The five years of the presidency of Nicolas Sarkozy were hallmarked by his unprecedented involvement in the day-to-day running of government, from policy announcements to public appearances, leaving his prime minister, François Fillon, in a backstage role. It became dubbed as the ‘hyper presidency’, a dramatic change from that of his predecessors, who perceived their role as a more lofty, behind-the-scenes management of the major affairs of state while their prime ministers were placed at the political frontline.
The arrival of François Hollande, self-styled as ‘Mr Normal’, is expected to herald an abrupt rupture with Sarkozy’s media-conscious and agitated presidential style. But just what will be the power balance between Hollande and his prime minister, Jean-Marc Ayrault, remains unclear.
“I had always thought that François Hollande would choose Jean-Marc Ayrault, because I knew that he would want someone very close to him,” commented Socialist Party leader Martine Aubry this week, who was snubbed for the post.
But Ayrault’s closeness to Hollande – he is a longstanding friend and political ally of the new president – could prove as much a handicap as an advantage to his authority as prime minister.
Speaking on French television for the first time as prime minister on Wednesday evening, Ayrault offered an outline of what his working relationship with France’s new president François Hollande will be. “The president fixes the direction and the policies, and places his confidence in the head of government to manage the changes […] and to animate the government team,” he said.
In a speech delivered after he was sworn in as president this Tuesday, Hollande declared, with obvious reference to Sarkozy’s previous style: “I will fix the priorities but I will not decide everything, nor in everybody’s place. In conformity with the constitution, the government will determine and lead the policies of the nation. The rights of parliament will be respected. The justice system will have all the guaranties of its independence.”
However, shortly before the final round of the presidential elections earlier this month, Hollande told France-Inter radio station that, if he is elected: “The prime minister manages the policies of France that I lead.”
Some socialists have suggested the future relationship between Hollande and Ayrault could be akin to that of France’s first socialist president, François Mitterrand, and his first prime minister, Pierre Mauroy. But this rose-tinted reveling in the past doesn’t hold up; Mauroy had previously been an unsuccessful rival to Mitterrand for the post of leader of the Socialist Party, and as prime minister, he held opposing views on a number of policies, notably Mitterrand’s desire to remove the French currency, the franc, from the then-European Monetary System. Ayrault, however, has never opposed Hollande within the party, and has loyally shared the same policy lines of Hollande based on a social democrat approach to reform.
Olivier Faure, who has worked under Hollande when he was Socialist Party leader, and under Ayrault when he was leader of the Socialist Party parliamentary group, insists that the two are complimentary personalities. “Contrary to what is thought, they are not clones,” he said. “They are complicit and complimentary. Hollande is a more a head of state, while Ayrault is more a team leader. Jean-Marc is more into concrete matters.” One long-serving MP, who asked not to be named, described Ayrault as “less into ambiguity” than Hollande. “Ayrault spells things out, he is reliable when he gives his word.”
The test begins in July
Meanwhile, Ayrault has positioned probity as the hallmark of his new government. While Olivier Faure described him as “the most upright figure in French political life”, one of his advisors, who asked not to be named, said the new prime minister wanted his term in office to be seen as a period of “higher transparency and control”.
In his interview on France 2 TV news on Wednesday, Ayrault underlined the novelty of his government, the first in France to have an absolute parity of men and women, and the diverse backgrounds of the ministers. He announced that his first move, accepted at the cabinet meeting held Thursday, would be to publish a decree that he and his ministers were to cut their salaries by -30%. “It’s [a question of] exemplarity,” he said, adding that ministers would also be required to sign up to a “deontological charter” in which they vow to never place themselves in a situation of conflict of interest and to give up any other political mandates they might have (such as mayor).
Some among Ayrault’s entourage say that he is mulling an increase in the powers of the secretary-general of the government, an advisory civil servant’s position held since 2006 by Serge Lasvignes and who is expected to be continue in the post. This would include the secretary-general having a greater say over the nomination of ministers, in particular concerning potential conflicts of interest, “It’s about a change in moral values, so as to bring back people’s confidence in politics,” said another of Ayrault’s inner circle.
A decisive early moment for the new prime minister wil be his proposals concerning a referendum due to be held on the reform of civic status, including the issues of voting rights for non-EU nationals in local elections and gay marriage, and a partial reform of the justice system aimed at ensuring its independence and parity, along with tighter restrictions on political party funding. Ayrault’s advisors are already working on finding a slogan to carry the message of reform of the functioning of government and its institutions, along the lines of ‘the new state’.
Ayrault is due to present his government’s policy programme before parliament in early July, after the June parliamentary elections, when the Left is tipped to win the majority of seats. These will naturally be crucial, for the composition of government is decided by the majority in parliament and even if, as expected, the Socialist Party and its allies are returned with a majority, several of the current ministers may be replaced, not least those that lose their parliamentary seat.
Ayrault’s speech before parliament, likely to be given on July 5th, will be the occasion for him to impose his leadership in the public eye, and to clearly define the political route ahead for the 60 reforming propositions set out in Hollande’s presidential election manifesto. That is when the real tests of government begin, and when the role of each will become clear.
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English version: Graham Tearse