Is it a good situation, then, to be a minister under Michel Barnier? “You know, I don't think there's such a thing as a good or bad situation,” the thirty-nine members of this new government would surely reply, paraphrasing the character Otis in the film 'Asterix & Obelix: Mission Cleopatra'. After all, life is “first and foremost about encounters, people who have held out their hand” the scribe in the 2002 film adds.
Judging by the make-up of the government announced on September 21st, via a communiqué from the Élysée, Michel Barnier has indeed held out many a hand. The new head of government has offered around twenty parliamentarians (past and present) and mayors their first ministerial experience, with an equal split between the two political groups now forming the government: the former Macronist ruling majority and the rightwing Les Républicains (LR).
For the opposition Right, Christmas has come early. In a party that had grown accustomed to electoral disasters, the 'Barnier 1' government provides a splendid opportunity for a host of elected officials, who had been watching the trains pass by for twelve years, to finally savour power.
A veteran of the Right, Michel Barnier has handed out treats to every faction of his political family. The most conservative wing is present, embodied by Bruno Retailleau, the LR group leader in the Senate, who will get his long-dreamed-of first government post at the Ministry of the Interior after waiting through the entire presidency of Nicolas Sarkozy (2007 to 2012). The new junior minister for consumer affairs, Laurence Garnier, known for her opposition to the right to abortion being enshrined in the constitution and to same-sex marriage, also represents this hard-right faction, as does Patrick Hetzel, in charge of higher education and research.
Enlargement : Illustration 1
Bruno Retailleau is also bringing one of his close allies to the Ministry of the Interior, Othman Nasrou, who becomes junior minister for citizenship and anti-discrimination. Denied the interior job, former LR boss Laurent Wauquiez remains on the outside, but manages to get two of his loyalists in the executive: MP Alexandre Portier (vocational education) and his former vice-president for the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region in central France, Nicolas Daragon (who is now junior minister in charge of day-to-day security issues).
Another prominent LR figure, Xavier Bertrand, sees his friend François Durovray, president of the Essonne département or county council near Paris, become the new transport minister, representing his wing of the party. Gérard Larcher, the powerful LR president of the Senate, has succeeded in securing a post for his close friend Sophie Primas, who takes charge of foreign trade. Valérie Pécresse – the LR president of the Paris region and former presidential candidate - will be pleased to see her long-time supporter Agnès Canayer appointed to the Ministry for the Family. And Michel Barnier hasn't forgotten his own inner circle, as his loyal ally Marie-Claire Carrière-Gée becomes junior minister for government coordination – a new post.
Strangely enough: the 'left-wing Macronists' are present.
To complete the list, we must add two key figures from the party rewarded for their loyalty: Annie Genevard, secretary-general of LR, who is made minister of agriculture, and François-Noël Buffet, the influential president of the Senate's law commission, who takes on the overseas territories portfolio. The political scene has not seen such a spectrum of the Right united since the creation of the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP) back in 2002.
And yet, back then, François Bayrou’s centrists had shunned the grand alliance spearheaded by Jacques Chirac. This time – now called MoDem - they are very much present! After an interminable meeting on Friday, at which several MoDem figures attempted to get the party to commit to not participating in this new government, the centrist party reached the opposite decision. So Jean-Noël Barrot, previously responsible for European affairs, has now been promoted to minister for foreign affairs. And Geneviève Darrieussecq returns to the government to oversee health matters, while Marina Ferrari moves from digital issues to tourism.
In all, seven ministers from the government under prime minister Gabriel Attal retain their ministerial posts. After weeks of bemoaning the rightwards drift of the political scene, Agnès Pannier-Runacher has accepted the portfolio for ecological transition and energy. Sébastien Lecornu, Rachida Dati, and Catherine Vautrin reunite with their old comrades, although Vautrin will now be in charge of local authorities. As for Guillaume Kasbarian, a liberal through and through, he will oversee the civil service.
In their wake - and because LR does not have a monopoly on gifts - eight representatives from the president's party Renaissance enter the government. For some, who are members of the most right-leaning wing of the party, this was expected, such as with Maud Bregeon (official spokesperson) and Benjamin Haddad (European affairs). But others, who had harshly criticised the LR in recent years, have now agreed to govern alongside them. These includes Marc Ferracci (industry portfolio), Olga Givernet (in charge of energy), and Astrid Panosyan-Bouvet (labour affairs).
Emmanuel Macron secured the appointment of MP Antoine Armand in charge of the Ministry of Economy and Finance as well as the nomination of former budget rapporteur Laurent Saint-Martin (in charge of public accounts), a close ally who was treasurer of Macron's last presidential campaign in 2022.
Determined not to forget any family branch of his new coalition, Michel Barnier has handed out the roles with precision. The Parti Radical? He has put Nathalie Delattre, its senator and secretary-general, in charge of relations with Parliament (which is sure to raise eyebrows in the ever-volatile National Assembly, of which she has never been a member). The centre-right Union des Démocrates et Indépendants (UDI)? They now have three ministers: Valérie Létard (housing), François Gatel (commerce and rural affairs), and Fabrice Loher (overseeing fishing and maritime affairs).
All of this results in a packed if not entirely coherent government. In recent days, many factors behind its composition have shifted for a multitude of reasons: a political heavyweight outraged by the absence of an ally, Emmanuel Macron expressing serious concerns over an appointment, and the body on transparency in public life, the Haute Autorité pour la Transparence de la Vie Publique (HATVP), raising issues about the declarations of interest made by future ministers. Local councillors have also alerted Alexis Kohler, the president's chief of staff, or government heads themselves about the “controversial” nature of certain prospective ministers whose names had been canvassed publicly.
The Migaud safeguard
Amidst this disorganised coming and going some appointments seem to have been made at the last minute. The appointment of Anne Genetet as education minister will raise eyebrows. An MP representing French citizens abroad and a trained doctor, she has worked on expatriate taxation, social protection, on a committee of inquiry into issues raised by the 'Uber Files' investigation, and the issue of foreign interference in France's domestic affairs. She serves on the defence committee after having been on the foreign affairs committee, and she has taken an interest in the management of France's diplomatic corps. But on education? She has little to no track record.
As with every reshuffle, others will long have regrets over missing the Barnier train. Stéphanie Rist could have become minister for solidarity if her substitute as an MP – when MPs become ministers they have someone lined up to stand in for them in their constituency – had not refused to take her seat in the National Assembly. Violette Spillebout, Mathieu Lefèvre and other MPs from the Ensemble pour la République (EPR) group – the parliamentary group of Macron's Renaissance party – all thought their time had come. Meanwhile former interior minister Gérald Darmanin believed that his closeness to Emmanuel Macron would save him.
But was the Barnier train the right one to get aboard? Set in motion two-and-a-half months after the parliamentary elections, it approaches the next stop - the government budget - with trepidation. Without an absolute majority in the National Assembly, the new prime minister will have to rely on the same process of using Article 49-3 of the Constitution – which means legislation can be pushed through without a vote - as his predecessors. This can trigger a vote of no-confidence. And then? The Left, with its 193 MPs, has already promised to bring the new prime minister down; and as soon as the far-right Rassemblement National (RN) decides to follow suit, Barnier's flimsy team will topple.
Given the shaky nature of the whole operation, Didier Migaud's presence in the new government raises questions. What is the former socialist MP doing in this mess? Appointed justice minister, the current president of the HATVP will be leaving that post. In such a rightwing government, he will have to deal with pressures from the ministries of the interior and finance, especially in view of looming budgetary austerity.
His presence does, however, serve one purpose: it allows Michel Barnier to keep his promise that the “Left” would be represented in his team. After receiving around a dozen rejections (at the very least), the new prime minister finally secured the agreement of the ex-socialist. He is now officially positioned as the number two in the government, which almost pointedly emphasises the curious nature of his presence.
The first cabinet meeting will take place this Monday, the president's chief of staff Alexis Kohler announced from the Élysée. Soon, technical staff will need to change the plaques and letterheads, and launch a massive emergency reprint of official stationery. For, keen to mark out his territory, Michel Barnier has renamed most of the ministries. The “regional cohesion” ministry becomes one of “regional partnership”; culture is now paired with heritage, health with access to social care, and the military with veterans.
All of this will be costly, while awaiting the next reshuffle, the next prime minister, and the next rebranding. Until then, an entire generation of Macronists and rightwing elected officials, who once hated each other and then became reconciled, now find themselves united by a new common thread: that of having lost the election on July 7th. After Emmanuel Macron managed to turn two defeats into a victory, here they are in power. But for how long?
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- The original French version of this article can be found here.
English version by Michael Streeter